The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful occupants of that office in the nation's history. Whereas many vice-presidents were confined to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly described as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and stated the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their association as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of such protestations, Cheney found the laidback president pliable on a broad range of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the shooting down of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks changed him, leading him to become determined on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Controversial Actions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate information circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I believed it back then and I believe it presently."
Yet even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, inaction, and recklessness: in the worst case, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures prove impossible," explicitly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the White House vaguely intent on executing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of lowering America's participation in the regional tensions and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a plot to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a likeness of his father's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, repeatedly quoting agency briefings that were either insubstantial or completely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and torture.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to capture the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed nicknames given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the background that remains unseen come out of his hole? That is a advantageous way to operate, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as vice-president. While he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling substantial sums.
It made him rich. His annual income during his tenure at the company grew from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth over $20m|twenty
